By Dumisani Hlophe
Here are the pointers of what Cyril Ramaphosa’s presidency is likely to be: a consultative decision making approach; and yet contradicted by a crises environment that requires urgency in decision making and implementation. In the process, he will win admiration from those he will engage. However, the opposition, and detractors, will accuse him of indecisiveness, and weak.
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| Photo Cred: dailymaverick.co.za |
Three principles inform Ramaphosa’s leadership decision making: first; he wants to be seen to have considered various options. Secondly, he wants to be seen to have engaged all the role players within the space of the decision to be made. Thirdly, he wants to demonstrate that all proper steps and processes have been followed in reaching the decision to be made.
Whilst this is an appropriate approach in the realm of good governance, it may be frustrating in a crises environment where decisions require urgency. It is for the latter reason, that for some, the decision to recall Zuma took long to be made. It is for the same reason that some are not happy that some ministers have not yet been removed from cabinet despite their association with the Gupta family.
Ramaphosa is fashioning his leadership to that of former president Nelson Mandela. The way he led and managed the recall of former president Jacob Zuma, shows that he placed as much importance on the decision making process, as the decision itself. Thus, he was willing to earn the wrath of his own ANC executive colleagues, whilst giving the process the necessary integrity, which would impact positively on the eventual recall decision. This required engagement, deliberation, and consensus.
Similarly, guided by the quest for nation building, and the spirit of the then Government of National Unity, Mandela sought to maximise consultative governance, whilst mindful of his decision making role as the leader of both the ANC, and society.
Mandela constantly acknowledged that even in the opposition, there were men and women of integrity that should contribute to the development of the country. He also did much to engage the private sector in building schools, particularly in the rural communities. In the same vain, Ramaphosa responded to the opposition during his maiden state of the nation debate on the land question, that South Africans also expected the opposition to offer solutions on the matter. In a way, just like Mandela did, Ramaphosa was asserting that he is “not a Messiah”.
Therefore, despite the socio-economic crisis South Africa finds itself in, Ramaphosa leadership style, is unlikely to be one that gallops ahead of the rest. He will seek consensus both within and outside the ANC. He will not move with overzealous speed as the opposition, and some detractors would expect him to be.
Ramaphosa seems to move from the observation that the process of decision making is as important as the decision itself. Hence, he does seem preoccupied with getting the process right, so as to make the decisions acceptable broadly.
However, the difference between Mandela and Ramaphosa, is that Mandela had favourable historical conditions on his side. He governed in the moment of prolonged national honeymoon in the wake of the end of apartheid and the dawn of new democracy.Personally, he had the stature that allowed him to impose himself. He also had the opportunity of being a global statesman.
Whilst Ramaphosa does have the potential for statesmanship, he assumes the presidency at the moment the country is facing socio-economic, political, and governance crisis. His challenge is to turn around the leadership and management of a government deteriorating in governance. He has to act decisively to turn around an ailing economy sinking in debt, and therefore facing the risk of funding its own development programmes.
In essence, Ramaphosa’s assumption of Mandela’s leadership style, is not supported by similar historical conditions. As the anxiety around the prolonged Zuma recall evidenced, negotiations and consultations, maybe a luxury where decisions are expected immediately. Hence, Ramaphosa was accused in some quarters of being indecisive in the recall of Zuma. However, as an individual he could not make such a decision – only the National Executive Committee could take such a decision.
In the same vain, some political commentators argued that he was being indecisive for postponing the announcement of the cabinet reshuffle by almost two hours. Some even speculated that he was being held hostage by the opposing faction within the ANC – and therefore, he “had no power”, and is “weak”.
These criticisms on the leadership of Ramaphosa, will emerge as both opportunistic, and genuine. The opposition will mostly use these opportunistically. Most of the opposition’s response to Ramaphosa’s cabinet reshuffle already falls within this category. The fact that he has not fired out of the cabinet some of the ministers the opposition wanted out, has earned him these accusations of being “weak”, or at worst, “not serious about rooting out corruption”.
On a genuine note, these accusations maybe made on the basis that the governance, and state performance challenges that the country faces, requires hard decisions to be made urgently. The expectation is that clean governance and heightened state performance is a priority, and that those found at variance with these principles will be dealt with swiftly.
Thus, parallel to the process, and engagement leadership style of Ramaphosa’s presidency, there will be massive communications. Given the difficulty that he faces of turning the fortunes of the country around with urgency, his communications machinery will have to constantly process matters, and build hope in the expected results. It is for this reason that the communications function has already been bolstered both in the ANC, and state presidencies.
Ramaphosa’s presidency on its own, may not move any faster than previous presidents, but the increase in activism both in parliament and outside, will be useful to make Ramaphosa and Mandela’s feel good factor, move towards real delivery!
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