Here is the New old Dawn
Dumisani Hlophe
So, there is
a new dawn. But it is within the same old context. This new dawn, comes in bits
and pieces. It is not a big bang.
Picture Credit: TownPress
This is where most are mistaken. They look for a big bang drastic evidence to conclude whether the new dawn is real or not. But then, even if one looked for a big bang change, the removal of former state president Jacob Zuma as head of state, would give that one piece of evidence of the new dawn. Moreover, the removal of Supra Mahumapelo as the ANC Premier for the North West province, is also a supporting evidence for the new dawn. The change in political loyalties in the leadership of KZN from Zuma to the Cyril Ramaphosa reign, is also another piece of evidence in the new dawn basket.
This is where most are mistaken. They look for a big bang drastic evidence to conclude whether the new dawn is real or not. But then, even if one looked for a big bang change, the removal of former state president Jacob Zuma as head of state, would give that one piece of evidence of the new dawn. Moreover, the removal of Supra Mahumapelo as the ANC Premier for the North West province, is also a supporting evidence for the new dawn. The change in political loyalties in the leadership of KZN from Zuma to the Cyril Ramaphosa reign, is also another piece of evidence in the new dawn basket.
These are
not necessarily substantive changes. Perhaps they are cosmetic, with the
exception of the removal of Zuma as head of state. But, cumulatively, among
other things, they do form the picture of a new dawn. Albeit, within the same
context.
Here is the
context: South Africa remains a liberal capitalist society; the ANC remains
concerned about fitting into this capitalist system, and not to change it; the
ANC remains riddled with factionalism; governance in state institution remains
weak; and the overall state performance is weak.
So, what is
new in the new dawn? Several issues are: the first is the leadership style of
the new, and yet, not so new rulers. In the main, the top six. The new sheriff
in town, Ramaphosa, has adopted the status of a statesman. Unlike his
predecessor, Zuma, who was just an extremist in the organisation alongside
those he led such as Fikile Mbalula. Zuma
was openly factional. Ramaphosa attempts to present a unifying father figure.
Rather than
lambasting those perceived to be in the wrong within the ANC, he locates
himself within the constitution, system, and processes of the ANC. By the time
a decision is taken, it comes out as a decision of the organisation, and that
due processes and consultation were followed.
This,
somehow presents him as the “go to guy” within the ANC, whilst Zuma was just a
“no go area” for some comrades. Even if Ramaphosa maybe a “no go area” for some
comrades, it is not literally on your face like “that thing of a goat”.
Ramaphosa
also plays this statesmanship role within the state affairs. First time he
demonstrated this was through the reshuffling. He retained ministers that many
would have expected to be released, such as Bathabile Dlamini. He has also gone
to great lengths to showcase good working relationship with Dr. Nkosazana
Dlamini – Zuma. There are senior officials that many expected to be fired, and
yet, at the most, they are subjected to governance processes. These include Tom
Moyane of Sars; Ziba Jiyane at the NPA; Shaun Abrahams, and now some executives
at Transnet. Ramaphosa avoids to wield the guillotine. Instead, he let the
system cast out those that are no longer wanted.
Whilst
Ramaphosa plays the statesmanship within the ANC’s top six, there are also
hackers. Paul Mashatile plays the role of a sophisticated hacker. His role in
the removal of Zuma provides evidence in this regard. Whilst Ramaphosa was
engaging Zuma, Mashatile ran with the real removal of Zuma both within the top
six, and through parliamentary processes. He is the sophisticated “here and now
guy”. Once a position is taken, and a decision is made, then he would fast tract
it. David Mabuza also falls within this role with less sophistication, but more
cunning.
So, the new
dawn, is more of an operational model, than substantive change. The capitalist
structure and system of South Africa’s economy, remains entrenched. The new
dawn regime has no intention of changing it. But then, the ANC government since
it took over, has never willed to change the capitalist economy. Rather it has
embraced it, and sought accommodation in it. The new dawn regime, has just
shown what president Thabo Mbeki did – demonstrate an in-depth understanding of
the capitalist system, and the willingness to play within its prescripts.
The danger
of the new dawn regime, is that it may have a more pronounced propaganda than
substantive delivery. If the economic structure and system remains the same, as
it is, poor cohesion and discipline within the ruling party remains, and also
the poor state capacity to perform, then the substantiveness of the new dawn
will remain propaganda. It is actually for this reason than many within the ANC
cannot explain the new dawn. Many cannot articulate both the “new” and the
“dawn”.
The new
dawn, is likely to be more pronounced amongst the middle class than the poor
masses. The middle class now have a president who speaks their language. The
captains of industry through the new sheriff pursuit of foreign direct
investment have an ally both at Luthuli House, and the Union buildings. But given
the rise in the cost of living, and sustained unemployment for the masses, the
new dawn may actually be a raw deal.
So, there is
a new dawn. Perhaps even a new deal. But how one relates to it, depends on, at what
point one stands in the long winding food chain. Those at the consumption
points are experiencing it better than those at the production level. The worse
off, are those that remain bystanders and are spectators of this food chain
called South Africa Inc.
·
Hlophe is a Governance Specialist at Unisa. He writes in his personal
capacity. Twitter: @KunjaloD
·
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